![NO ONE HAS THE POWER TO FIRE HIM! Ex-Omuhikirwa [Who Fought M7 in 2016] Dares Tooro Clan Leaders Over Rwomiire Sacking, Says Only King Oyo Could Fire Him](https://mulengeranews.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/09/Steven-Kaliba-Ateenyi-75x75.jpg)
By Lukyamuzi Ali (Lukyamuziali74@gmail.com)
Since the dawn of independence in the mid-20th century, a dark and recurring shadow has hung over the corridors of African statehood: the politics of hatred and the vicious cycle of institutional revenge. Across the continent, the peaceful transfer of power remains an elusive ideal, too often replaced by a zero-sum game where the prize of victory is absolute survival, and the cost of defeat is ruin. Incoming administrations routinely make it their first order of business to systematically dismantle, criminalize, and hunt down their predecessors.
Leaders who once commanded the highest offices are forced into the ignominy of exile, subjected to carefully fabricated criminal charges, or pursued to their graves. This destructive dynamic has paralysed national development, rendering state continuity nearly impossible. To fix this, we must look beyond the symptoms to find the historical source of this political venom, analyse its devastating modern manifestations, and construct structural safeguards to ensure a stable future.
To understand why post-independence African politics is so deeply adversarial, one must analyze the foundational blueprints laid down by European imperial powers during the “Scramble for Africa.” Colonial governance was never designed for democratic consensus or national cohesion; it was an authoritarian apparatus built explicitly for resource extraction and population control.
The primary mechanism of this control was the infamous strategy of “divide and rule.” Colonial authorities purposefully weaponized ethnicity, elevating minor adversarial dynamics into rigid institutional hierarchies. Artificial borders drawn at the Berlin Conference of 1884 forced historically antagonistic kingdoms and ethnic groups into single administrative units, while simultaneously splitting cohesive communities apart.
In Rwanda, the Belgian administration institutionalized a socio-economic distinction between the Tutsi and Hutu into rigid racial classifications, a social engineering project that eventually yielded catastrophic violence. In Nigeria, British indirect rule deliberately sharpened differences between the Muslim North and the Christian South, embedding an enduring structural imbalance.
When independence arrived, African liberation leaders did not inherit democratic states; they inherited deeply fractured, highly militarized, and authoritarian colonial instruments. Lacking deep-rooted national identities, newly formed political parties naturally retreated into ethnic voting blocs. Power became a mechanism for self-preservation, because losing control of the state meant handing absolute power to a rival group that had been systematically conditioned to fear you.
The post-colonial timeline is marred by examples of regimes devouring one another, leaving a trail of exiled, imprisoned, or assassinated leaders. The tragedy began almost immediately after independence. In Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah, a founding father of Pan-Africanism, was deposed in a 1966 military coup while on a diplomatic mission abroad. He was forced to live out his remaining years in exile in Guinea, banned from the nation he birthed, while the new regime aggressively dismantled his socialist policies and criminalized his legacy. This template of targeting predecessors quickly became standard practice across the continent.
In Uganda, the transition of power between Milton Obote and Idi Amin Dada in 1971 triggered a brutal purge of the state apparatus, resulting in the extrajudicial execution of thousands of civil servants and military officers suspected of remaining loyal to the old regime. Decades later, the cycle continued. After Charles Taylor was forced out of Liberia in 2003, his promised safe haven in Nigeria quickly evaporated under intense international and domestic pressure, leading to his eventual arrest, extradition, and a 50-year prison sentence.
In Zambia, the transition from Kenneth Kaunda to Frederick Chiluba in 1991 saw the nation’s founding father stripped of his citizenship, falsely accused of being a foreigner from Malawi, and briefly imprisoned on fabricated treason charges. Ironically, when Chiluba himself left office a decade later, his handpicked successor, Levy Mwanawasa, launched a massive anti-corruption campaign that stripped Chiluba of his presidential immunity and dragged him through years of humiliating public trials.
More recently, the aftermath of the Arab Spring and various political shifts show this vindictive trend shows no signs of fading. In Sudan, the 2019 ouster of Omar al-Bashir immediately resulted in his imprisonment and a wave of asset seizures targeting his entire political network.
In South Africa, the post-presidency of Jacob Zuma has been defined by a continuous loop of prosecutions, constitutional crises, and brief incarcerations related to racketeering and corruption charges stemming from his time in office. Whether these charges are legally justified or politically motivated, the optics remain identical across the continent: the state machinery is frequently weaponized by the present elite to completely neutralize the past elite.
When we subject these transitions to rigorous socio-legal analysis, it becomes evident that this is not merely an collection of historical anecdotes; it is an active structural crisis. Data from the Mo Ibrahim Foundation and regional democratic tracking indices illustrate a disturbing trend: the formal mechanisms of state accountability are regularly subverted into instruments of selective justice.
When an incoming regime takes office, the line between legitimate anti-corruption enforcement and targeted political warfare frequently dissolves. This diagnostic pattern-visible from the historic collapse of Ghana’s first republic to the contemporary gridlock in South Africa’s judicial arenas-means that institutions are perpetually rebuilt in the image of the incumbent ruler, erasing the institutional continuity required for long-term development.
If Africa is to break free from this paralysing cycle, it must transition from a politics of powerful men to a politics of strong institutions. The first and most critical step is building independent judicial and electoral systems that survive the leaders who created them. When the judiciary, electoral commission, and anti-corruption agencies are directly subservient to the sitting president, the opposition views the state not as an arbiter of justice, but as an existential threat.
Empirical analysis from institutions like the V-Dem (Varieties of Democracy) Institute demonstrates that sub-Saharan nations with high indices of judicial independence experience significantly fewer post-election crises and lower levels of executive lawlessness. The state must be institutionalized so that a change in leadership does not mean a wholesale purge of the civil service, police force, and military.
Secondly, the strict enforcement of constitutional term limits is non-negotiable. Coups and violent uprisings rarely happen in vacuums; they are almost always a desperate reaction to a leader attempting to engineer a life presidency. When leaders manipulate constitutions to extend their rule as seen in numerous modern “constitutional coups” across West and Central Africa where leaders reset their political clocks; they close all legitimate avenues for political competition.
Quantitative assessments indicate that between 2019 and 2024, the continent witnessed an alarming resurgence of instability, recording over twenty coup attempts, a significant majority of which were directly fuelled by citizen frustration over constitutional manipulation and flawed electoral processes. Term limits guarantee a predictable political timeline, lowering the stakes of any single election and reassuring the opposition that their time to lead will eventually come without resorting to violence.
Furthermore, African states must establish legal frameworks that prevent the abuse of office while in power, while simultaneously creating clear, constitutionally guaranteed immunities and dignified exit packages for departing heads of state. This is the ultimate political compromise required for transition. If a sitting leader knows that stepping down guarantees a life of endless court battles, asset seizures, or forced exile, they will protect their position with every weapon at their disposal, even if it means dragging their country into a civil war.
By providing a safe landing including physical security, financial stability, and immunity from politically motivated retroactive prosecution; the temptation to cling to power indefinitely is dramatically reduced. This immunity must not serve as a blank check for egregious human rights violations or blatant war crimes, but it should shield former executives from the routine, highly vindictive legal harassment that so often characterizes incoming regimes.
Ultimately, Africa’s politics of revenge is a lingering symptom of a colonial inheritance that prized absolute control over collective consensus. To dismantle this legacy, the continent’s current generation of leaders must realize that the true measure of political power is not how effectively you destroy your predecessor, but how securely you pave the way for your successor. Only by embedding institutional trust, respecting term limits, and offering dignified exits can Africa transform its state houses from fortresses of fear into true sanctuaries of democracy. The writer is a lawyer, policy analyst and thinker. (For comments on this story, get back to us on 0705579994 [WhatsApp line], 0779411734 & 041 4674611 or email us at mulengeranews@gmail.com).
