By Our Writers
The predicament facing NRM Chairman Rubaga District Abdul Kitata, currently in detention along with 27 other top officials of his notorious Boba-Boda 2010 organization, has prompted us to use our Weekend Feature for this week to reflect on other hitherto very powerful people in Museveni’s Uganda but have since sunk to powerlessness. Read on to find out who they are and how they were exactly demystified:
FULL LIST
Maj Kakooza Mutale: As Sr Presidential Advisor to Museveni in charge of Special Duties, this maverick old man feared no body at the peak of his power. It’s understood he had the ear of the President, First Lady and other people who mattered in the Museveni establishment. A few examples will illustrate this. In 1998, Maj Mutale defied tradition when he openly criticized the Kabaka of Buganda after Mengo took a stand strongly opposing the land Bill government was proposing to empower Bibanja holders against the land owners. Mengo even declared a day of mourning to protest what they contemptuously termed the land grabbing bill. That day everywhere in Buganda people wore backcloth and black. Speaking freely as if Uganda belonged to him, Kakooza Mutale addressed reporters belittling the Kabaka and his entire Mengo government. Baganda resorted to praying for his death while others sarcastically bought his coffin saying his days on earth wouldn’t be many. In 1999, Mutale didn’t even something more daring. Her declared support for the rebel princesses who called a press conference to declare Mutebi was an illegitimate Buganda king since he wasn’t Mutesa II’s son. Mutale not only declared support for them, he also deployed soldiers to protect them at home, work and venue for their daily media briefings. He deployed hundreds of soldiers at Kasubi tombs arguing a violent mob planned chaos there until Owek Joyce Sebugwawo led a group of pro-Kabaka rioters who stormed Kasubi and forcefully threw out the military. In 2001, Mutale occasioned terror aimed at crippling Col Kizza Besigye who had just declared his bid to oust President Museveni. He did all this using Kalangala Action Plan (KAP) which he had formed in 1996 to decampaign his fellow Muganda PK Semogerere in that year’s general elections. The difference was that in 2001, the group resorted to violence having become nervous about the challenge Besigye posed. The group whipped whoever didn’t support Museveni and Mutale’s role was highlighted as part of Besigye’s evidence in the 2001 election petition. Mutale was unrepentant prompting the 7th Parliament to institute an inquiry to establish how many people did Mutale’s KAP maim, injure, cripple/disable or even kill. Mutale turned up to address the committee in his usual flamboyant style and he assured members he had no apologies to make. After convincing himself that he had shielded Museveni enough against political challengers, Mutale turned his KAP into a kangaroo court to which businessmen with disputes reported their rivals. Mutale used to operate even a prison of sorts in which he used to detain people. His men onetime detained someone (a certain Kyambadde) highly connected in government and that is the day Mutale’s power began to crumble. Gen David Sejusa, who was then very powerful as Coordinator Intelligence Services, stormed KAP offices on Bombo road with an army of journalists and publicly interrogated Mutale regarding torture in his office. “Mr. Mutale this has been going on for so long and I’m to demonstrate to you that Ugandans have no business dying in your office,” Sejusa said at the start of his news conference as a panicky Mutale uneasily turned in his seat. Mutale started stammering and quaked as Sejusa announced “I’m arresting you and going with you for torturing people in your office.” That afternoon for the first time the country saw the notorious Mutale failing to explain the source of his power which Sejusa insisted wasn’t based on the law. After that incidence, Mutale undertook one daring act which only exposed him even further. Claiming to be protecting environment around Lake Victoria, Mutale deployed his KAP men in Kalangalo forest near Nsamizi on Lake Victoria. He officially claimed they are protecting the forest but in actual sense his men were busy mining sand. This impunity prompted then Environment Minister Maria Mutagamba to lead the NFA team to Kalangalo where they caught Mutale’s men red handed mining sand and ferrying trees. Still Mutagamba came with scribes and the images of the frail female minister Mutagamba grilling a trembling Mutale confirmed to everybody that the man had indeed become a shadow of his former self and nobody feared him anymore. More trouble was to come as State House voted to close all Mutale’s offices including Bombo road which the public had been duped to think it was an extension of State House. Before closure, rent became due and the building owner Sudhir Ruparelia came knocking. By this time rent arrears had accumulated to Shs500m and State House refused to pay arguing Mutale wasn’t their agent. Sudhir had to proceed against Mutale personally but the once very tough major didn’t have even a coin on him. Mutale, who in the subsequent presidential campaigns was publicly humiliated by the President who publicly chased his buses out of Lira town back to Kampala, nowadays days lives a very quiet life and all the pomp he used to move around with is gone. Museveni was having his rally in Lira and Mutale, uninvited, had come to lead a procession ahead of the rally with his band. All the guys that used to hang around him have since disappeared since the man is these days simply one of the most powerless officials in government. The good thing though is that he remains on the public service payroll as a presidential advisor though he no longer has any work to do.
JS Mulwanyamuli: As Katikkiro of Buganda, this man from Buddu was very powerful and every statement he made was news for the reporters. He could directly call and have audience with anybody and he led Buganda in a way that inspired many. He was never violent like Kakooza Mutale who once threatened to arrest him for inciting Baganda against government. In 2011 he created momentum when he declared support for candidate Kizza Besigye and was only demystified when his Suubi Pressure Group failed to deny Museveni votes in Buganda. In 2016, he further demystified himself when candidate Mbabazi he backed failed to move mountains as had been widely expected. Mulwanyamuli was also the invisible hand behind the much hyped Gilbert Bukenya Presidential bid that never materialized. He these days lives quietly at his house in Makerere. Whoever wants to understand how much power and influence Mulwanyamuli wielded in his hey days, should read Katikkiro Peter Mayiga’s book entitled “King on the Throne” which chronicles all major events since Kabaka Mutebi’s enthronement in July 1993.
Gen Charles Otema: He was very powerful in Northern Uganda and more especially Acholi sub region. At the peak of his power, he was associated with aggressiveness that saw him violently suffocate other politicians and military leaders from the region. He always deployed the military to influence the outcome of elections but the ease with which the likes of Gilbert Olanya have come to the scene in that part of Acholi and dominated the news agenda is proof Gen Charles Otema is in the evening of his powerful career.
Mohamood Masaba of Mbale: As NRM Mbale district chairman, this maverick fellow has lately been wielding lots of powers. He initially was very close to Jacqueline and Amama Mbabazi for the period they were very powerful under Museveni’s government. For long he was perceived to be their chief mobilizer in Mbale. This enabled him get IGP Kale Kayihura’s attention as he struggled to demystify JPAM. He was looking for defectors to take to the President and Masaba came in handy claiming to hand over pro-JPAM secretive structures. This closeness to Kayihura saw him lead other hitherto disgruntled cadres’ trek to Kisozi to meet Mzee several times. In the end many of the men in Masaba’s group even asked for pistols falsely claiming to be under threat from the JPAM camp. Masaba used his closeness to the IGP to create an impression of powerfulness before the Elgon area police leaders like the DPCs and RPC Chemisto. He even started enjoying lead car and patrol escorts as if he is a government VIP. He showed more power where he used his clout to get Chemisto back to Mbale when he was supposed to be under training at Bwebajja. He also hosted IGP Kale Kayihura at his home in Mbale and organized a party to celebrate his re-appointment. However, cracks manifested in Masaba’s powerbase recently when President Museveni visited Mbale/Elgon (all LC5 chairpersons, CAOs and NRM chairs) to assess support for the Magyezi Bill and his land proposals. In that meeting, Masaba tried to defend the sidelined CIID boss Godfrey Musana and Museveni shut him up implying he was just a no body. Museveni even said he doesn’t know Masaba that much. Some local organizers after wetting their beak, had tried to smuggle a visit/stop over at Masaba’s home in the President’s program for the day but the SFC leaders furiously cancelled it out and warned Mohamood Masaba to tread carefully lest he gets himself detained.
Deo Matsanga: He hails from Elgon/Bududa just like his rival Mohamood Masaba. So powerful had Matsanga become that Jacqueline in her famous Sunday Monitor interview (with Bichachi) mentioned his name and complained against him more than he did to Museveni or even Gen Kayihura’s name (she called him Afande teargas). She called Matsanga a lumpen and showed that he was among those who were frustrating any anti-Museveni mobilization in Mbale. Matsanga was also famously tried for trying to block Semogerere’s Mbale rally in 1996. He used to have many contacts in security and Felix Kaweesi always treated him as his brother. His problem currently is that most of the powerful people that used to make him powerful also have gradually been replaced in the government offices they previously occupied including ex-deputy CDF Gen Charles Angina. Mohamood Masaba has also succeeded diminishing his power by antagonizing him with people like Gen Kayihura that used to be his godfathers. Masaba believes the bad publicity he faced sometime last year, regarding his secretive business dealings with the Kenyan brothers, was the work of Deo Matsanga.
Gen Charles Angina: As Deputy CDF, Angina was very powerful throughout Gen Aronda’s reign as CDF of the Defense Forces. Aronda had left him to oversee administration as he concentrated on command and operations-related aspects. Each time Aronda got problems with Sevo, his supporters felt it was Angina spying and reporting his boss to the President. As deputy CDF and other positions he held before including doing President’s errands in Congo, Angina always attended almost all UPDF-related meetings the President called. It’s believed he is the man who wrote a secret report and gave it to the President implicating then Army Commander James Kazini in the Kisangani fracas that saw Rwandans badly whip the UPDF. That is not all. At the height of his power, Angina is accused to have meddled in especially Teso sub region politics whereby many of his adversaries would seldom survive defeat. Jessica Alupo, the former education minister, is a good example. But his powerlessness began when he lost his MP slot as one of the 10 officers representing UPDF in Parliament. He subsequently also lost the Deputy CDF post where he had deputized Katumba Wamala. He currently serves as Deputy Coordinator OWC which supervises soldiers giving out seedlings and fighting army worm at people’s farms across the country. He has suffered the indignity of being insulted by very junior civilian officials (before Gen Saleh) during OWC meetings at Bwebajja. His hopes now lie in current Museveni blue eyed girl Anita Among who is from Bukedea just like him and the two are very close.
Sebina Sekitoleko: Having defected from the innermost circle of Mbabazi’s much talked about political plan for 2016, the man from Luwero Bamunanika assumed a lot of powers at Museveni’s court and that of IGP Gen Kale Kayihura. In police, he controlled many things including fuel supplies for clandestine operations. He demonstrated power when he ensured whoever antagonized him fell onto their sword and rapidly lost the favor of Gen Kayihura. Examples of his victims include Grace Akullo, Judith Nabakooba and others. DPCs and RPCs, who desired to keep their position for long or even get promotions, always had to treat him well or else they didn’t survive the next reshuffle. Senior officers would on festive days like Christmas flood Sebina’s posh residence in Namugongo with goats, chicken and other freebies just to buy his favor. Gen Kayihura rarely questioned his proposals and whoever he recommended, saw the IGP and eventually the President. These days Sebina is no longer as active or as visible in the running of the State as he once was. This is so because he fell out with Gen Kayihura for unknown reasons. He these days leads a low profile life and is always between home and Zirobwe or Bugema where he supervises his farming and hostel business.
Nina Mbabazi: As daughter to JPAM, who was the 2nd most powerful man in Uganda, this babe wielded power and was widely feared even by senior army officers serving in intelligence. All the wannabe journalists had to claim to be close to her in order to be taken seriously. In parliament, her name was always mentioned each time legislators discussed impunity. She was always cited in major business deals as was manifested in the oil debates at the dawn of the 9th Parliament. She was also active on social media and had a weekly newspaper column where her controversial comments always resulted into newspaper headlines and prolonged public debate. Much more was expected of her during the 2016 campaigns besides her father but she was never visible anywhere. She had been inflated as too brilliant and many expected to hear her debate all Museveni sycophants to silence on radio talk shows but none of that ever happened. Neither did we ever see her accompany her dad at any of the campaign rallies. After the resounding defeat of her dad, Nina fell silent and very little (if at all) has been publicly heard about her since. The same can be said of her mum Jacqueline and sister Racheal who was recently devastated after being betrayed by her best friend, a one Janette.
Amama Mbabazi: He was no doubt very powerful both in the politics and military. One time President Museveni was out of the country and desired to urgently conduct a teleconferencing meeting with all heads of security agencies (NSC members). The responsibility fell on JPAM who had to be joined by all the rest at Serena hotel. “You should have been there to see how those NSC members who came late trembled to apologize to Mbabazi as if he was the president. They kept saluting while saying simbio Afande to which he majestically replied ‘sit down.’ From that day I left knowing the man was the next President,” recalls a top security official that has since been relegated to private life. Forget about your Sekandis who choose powerlessness, JPAM was flamboyant and always exuded confidence. He always determined who gets appointed in which position and Museveni always praised him publicly and would surrender his convoy to him. At State House, he was among those very few who never got checked or disarmed when going to meet the President. Meeting him was as good as meeting the President himself but his problems began after the EALA Speaker elections when Museveni publicly rebuked him for creating confusion in Arusha where an impression was created that Dora Byamukama was the official Ugandan candidate. The ease with which Museveni fired and purged him from both the position of Prime Minister and later on NRM SG showed the man’s clout had always been exaggerated. And very finally the failure to have significant impact on the 2016 campaign trail greatly demystified JPAM and could partly explain why he went silent since. And then his failure to put up a good election petition case also disappointed many who took him to be the very smart sophisticated politician. Many now agree Besigye would have done better.
Chris Rwakasisi: In the Obote II, he was simply among the most powerful figures. He determined the fate of many people and was handed a death sentence to avenge his wrongful deeds of violence during Obote II. Even after walking to freedom on being pardoned by Museveni, Rwakasisi as security advisor assumed a lot of powers under NRM (many thought he was a new JPAM in the making) but fizzled out after elections and it’s hard for us to tell what he has lately been up to.
Amelia Kyambadde: There are many illustrations that can be made to show how powerful this Mawokota North MP was when serving as PPS. She is a civilian but even soldiers trembled upon seeing her. One time at Kololo she admonished late Aronda Nyakayirima (he was CDF then) in a manner that confirmed she was very powerful. There was a lady called Mrs. Bwogi who had wanted to see the President but Amelia the PPS was frustrating her. She opted to use the public function at Kololo as independence was being celebrated. She positioned herself well to catch the big man’s eye (they knew each other well) as he walked towards his car after the function. As CDF, Aronda was entitled to being among those top dignitaries to see off the President. As she waited for the opportunity, Bwogi shielded herself behind Aronda to overcome the angry look Kyambadde was throwing at her. Amelia walked from her place and took Aronda on the sides and gave him a harsh lecture. She questioned him as to why he was trying to do her job of scheduling meetings for the President’s guests. Aronda trembled in a manner that left many of us journalists shocked. He stammered saying “sorry” but his apology was rejected by Amelia. When she announced she was going for politics in 2011, all the sycophants in both politics and business descended on Mawokota to ensure she goes through. It was hoped she was the next VP or PM and the idea was that the more one campaigned in Mawokota, the more chances he or she stood at getting closer to meeting the President. Today, Amelia who recently bought a posh car for herself from Suleiman Lumolo’s Kampala Modernity, would struggle to be recognized in a crowd of many ministers. That her hubby Wilson Kyambadde could be jailed in Luzira for 6 months (for debts of all things) is all proof how Amelia has long fallen on hard times and is no longer feared as powerful. She has been confined since 2011 in what many consider the not-so very powerful trade ministry. The other day, crowds of her own voters chased her around a rally she had called herself after refusing to denounce the Magyezi bill. The fact that a political novice like Hilderman Mazongoto can politically measure himself against her is further proof she is no longer the indispensable Amelia we knew some 10 years ago.
Jeniffer Musisi: As ED KCCA, she was very powerful controlling a lot of money, having the President’s ear and many sycophants around her. She was feared and had a very strong team of technocrats that solidly rallied behind her. Her salary, in excess of Shs40m, was in itself evidence of a powerful lady. She oversaw and funded the strategy that saw Erias Lukwago impeached from office. She had a very big budget and when Justice Bamugemereire was appointed to head the probe into UNRA and there was no money, it’s Musisi that Museveni rang asking her to fund the inquiry. At State House she would openly report Generals before the President in case any of them asked her out. She was fearless and one time reported a Police Chief who asked her for billions to execute an operation (linked to KCCA/street vendors) that was ordered by the President himself. She was understood to stand for the right values and always had the backing of Museveni and first lady. Museveni one time wished he had only 8 Musisis in the whole Uganda. The image of invincibility Jennifer had created cracked when Besigye walloped Museveni badly in Kampala and the blame went to her for being very brutal in her operations. The same Museveni had months earlier praised her. The composing of hits like Tugambire ku Jennifer (tame Jennifer for us) by Bobi Wine proved the singer from Magere was speaking for very many people yet PR gurus like Andrew Mwenda had created an impression that majority Kampalans were appreciative of Musisi’s reforms/works and would vote for Museveni. The overwhelming victory with which Lukwago was reelected was also an indictment on Musisi. The resignation of her deputy Dr. Judith Tukahirwa was also a vote of no confidence in Musisi as well as the persistent attacks by Tamale Mirundi who fallaciously maintained that Musisi was a proxy of the mafia. The coming on board of Beti Kamya as Kampala Minister further tilted the power balance as Museveni seemed to favor Kamya much more. When her contract expired, Musisi opted to quit but Museveni refused this and she reluctantly faced a panel of the Public Service Commission officials who had to interview her for a new contract where she had preferred automatic renewal. Musisi too had, at the start of her career at KCCA, exuded power when she successfully evicted Seya who had donated to himself a government house belonging to the town clerk along Sezibwa road. She also vigorously evicted Gen David Sejusa from the KCCA house on Maboa road.
Gen David Sejusa: He as coordinator of intelligence services was very powerful. Besides coordinating the brutal arrest of Besigye in 2005 and the Black Mamba raid on the Court, Sejusa one evening drove to Bombo road and detained Kakooza Mutale accusing him of turning his office into a prison and torture chamber. Sejusa also bragged about closing down CBS and was never repentant. He had two years earlier coordinated the detention of Kabaka ministers, a thing that sparked lots of fears in Buganda. Much earlier on when Brig Tumukunde (as he was then) hesitated handing over office as ISO DG and it was Sejusa who drove there to force him out and briefed Museveni later on telephone. Museveni was abroad and Elly Kayanja, the new DG, was failing to hand over as Tumukunde demanded to first know why he was being fired.
Mike Mukula: As minister of health and MP Soroti the man wielded power. Unlike today after being duped by Bafere into fake gold deals, Mukula those days had a lot of money and everything was going for him. You would find 100s of people at his Bugoloobi home seated in the make-shift shelter in his large compound besides his Olympic size swimming pool. The likes of Ronald Kibule were his bag boys ever there at the gate waiting to cheer him as he moved out of his house with his wife Gladys Mukula. The New Vision did a lot to flatter his self esteem as they would annually rank him man of the year, a place many thought the claver thing would be to leave it for Museveni and Kabaka. A story is told of a beautiful Mukiga senior journalist who (on her first day) went with a senior male colleague to interview Mukula. They went straight to the flight Captain’s swanky home in Bugoloobi and to this new news reporter the place looked like heaven. She started behaving seductively towards Mukula and gratefully Gladys wasn’t home. She had already gone to town. On Mukula accepting to save her number, the scribe considered it a done deal. The senior colleague had already proposed to her and she had accepted to be his side dish but honestly told him as they drove out “you know what I’m done with you. We are not proceeding with the relationship.” She believed Mukula was going to call and turn into his side dish. The young girl was simply fascinated and overwhelmed by Mukula’s pomp and material possessions like the many swanky cars that dotted his parking lot outside his play boy mansion. That is how powerful and attractive Mukula was at some point. He made it even worse ever talking with authority as the leader of the National Resistance Movement in the whole of Eastern region. His problem began when he publicly declared ambition for President and began criticizing the President. He ended up being put on trial for what went wrong in the Global Fund. Before the trial he was humiliated by Justice Ogoola who chaired the GF inquiry in Lugogo/UMA grounds. Mukula eventually got into financial problems as many of his businesses became crippled and couldn’t even afford to permanently reclaim his Soroti MP Seat which he lost to FDC’s Charles Ekemu in the 2006 Besigye wave. He lost out even more when he publicly went back on his word and retracted his earlier plans to run for Presidency in 2016. Many Itesos felt betrayed and discarded him.
Peter Sematimba; He was thought to have the money and was very flamboyant. At some point NRM considered him big fish to the extent that JPAM and M7 cancelled the results of party primaries for Kampala Mayor in 2011, sidelined Francis Babu and gave Sematimba the flag. He had previously beat the combined opposition and became Mayor Rubaga in 2008 by-elections after the death of Winnie Makumbi. Had previously wielded much more power as CEO CBS to whom many youths with radio dream ran for guidance and inspiration. He carried his pomp and power to Super fm and at CBS whoever was in his camp was powerful eg Mulindwa Muwonge and Stuart Mutebi. His programs were very popular and many thought his departure would kill CBS but it didn’t. Today the man is a shadow of his former self as he is very much broken socially, politically and even economically to the extent that workers at his Super fm go months without pay including on Christmas. The departure of senior presenters like Stuart Mutebi, Francis Kagoro, Bwanika Sensuwa, Racheal Namwanje and others to radio Star/UBC (of all places) is indicative Sematimba no longer inspires any hope in any one. People no longer fear departing from him. His entry in politics demystified him a lot because he was thrice defeated for Kampala mayorship by Lukwago and Sebaggala hence quitting for Busiro South which too demystified him beyond repair. His academic qualifications were questioned and the man portrayed as uneducated through court process by Stephen Sekigozi of DP. The 2011 violence in Rubaga that saw scribes beaten and nearly killed greatly demonized Sematimba and eroded whatever credibility he still had. Churches, which would use him to pull crowds to their services, shunned him as nobody would allow him stand on their pulpit. Many saw him as a man of God whose hands were dripping with innocent blood.
The Bukedde Squad: This initially comprised of the likes of Angel Lubowa, Robert Mutebi, James Kabengwa and Robert Mwanje of Monitor. These were much revered media gurus: they were rich; they were feared and very powerful in journalism and news coverage in areas of Kampala, the suburbs, Wakiso and other nearby districts. They clearly controlled a lot at Bukedde newspaper both in the field and news room. Mutebi, Kabengwa & Co ruled in the field and reported to Lubowa who quite often had the last word regarding what came out or didn’t in the next day’s paper. They always sold like hot cake especially when UNEB results were released. They were “the go to persons” for school owners, teachers and parents that wanted their kids to get good coverage or publicity. However, things changed when new CEO Robert Kabushenga consolidated his grip, tightened all the loose ends and increased scrutiny for story. He also introduced many reforms that gradually squeezed them out. Today Mwanje works with BBS and Mutebi with Salt TV and Radio where he clearly calls shots. Their other colleague was Ben Sentongo of Mpigi who has since gone into some media oblivion after being fired from the Vision Group by the Robert Kabushenga administration.
David Pulkol: He was Director General ESO and had Museveni’s ear as often as he liked especially after Besigye fled the country to live in South African exile for 4 years (2001-2005). Pulkol worked with late Noble Mayombo to spy on Besigye’s every move and that of his compatriots that had stayed in Uganda. Those are the days when Museveni lived under the imaginary PRA threat based in DR Congo with alleged support of Rwanda. The assignment came with a lot of delegated powers and financial resources from Museveni and being the flamboyant fellow he was, Pulkol inspired many young people at Makerere to join the security intelligence services. He was knowledgeable and eloquent and peak of his power manifested in early 2000s when he, without any invitation, stormed KFM studios and forcefully joined the debate with Mwenda who was hosting Besigye from exile. Pulkol read out things pinning Besigye on subversion that left many listeners shocked. It appeared Pulkol had a lot of evidence implicating the exiled Colonel. Pulkol appeared on many Radio talk shows and BBC to debate with his Rwanda equivalents the most memorable being Col Ndahiro who was heading intelligence in Kigali. That is the period when Pulkol, who became powerful Museveni minister at 26 years, accumulated wealth and acquired many properties in Kampala and Wakiso including one on the Naguru hill next to Wavamunno’s defunct WBS. It appears like many others, Pulkol fell for the illusion that Museveni would respect term limits and quit in 2006. When he didn’t, Pulkol fell out and joined others to form PAFO that metamorphosed into FDC. Today Pulkol lives in Kampala and mostly does radio commentary and can clearly not move mountains anymore as he used to do barely 15 years ago. It used to be thought he was the kingmaker for Karamoja region but this has twice turned out not to be the case. In 2011 he stood for MP Moroto Municipality and came last. NRM’s Simon Aleper took the day. He blamed rigging by the Museveni-Kiggundu electoral commission (as he always called it). His presidential candidate Olara Otunnu trailed badly and didn’t even vote. Pulkol was also humiliated when he was expelled by Otunnu from the UPC he had joined after leaning NRM and FDC. And in 2016, he got embarrassed more when Mbabazi for whom he was chief campaign strategist trailed at the polls.
Jack Sabiiti: As Rukiga County MP, Sabiti was christened the lion of Rukiga. He was always very eloquent and forceful in his submissions during the 7th Parliament where he served as chairman PAC. One of the people he generously mentored was future excellent PAC Chairman Nandala Mafabi. When the debate for lifting term limits began in early 2000s, Sabiiti was among those who vowed to defeat and humiliate Museveni back to Rwakitura. He often quarreled with Kabale woman MP Hope Mwesigye who was chief architect for the move. Museveni was calm and told voters in Rukiga to wait and see who would laugh longest. Museveni assured voters that Sabiiti had started a war that would produce not two but one loser-and that had to be Sabiiti. Sabiiti, who was then getting very good publicity as PAC Chairman, was unrelenting and every Friday drove to Makerere University to address students on the dangers of lifting term limits. Most of these anti-Museveni rallies used to be organized by Suleiman Kidandala and Bernard Luyiga who were UYD veterans manning the Makerere chapter. The Mukasa Mbiddes, Asuman Basalirwa and Henry Lubowa had left years earlier. Thormas Tayebwa, Vincent Nuwagaba, Balaba Bruce, Sunday of UNAFFE (farmer’s federation), Mugumya Sam, Vincent Lugonvu, Yusuf Kiranda, Solomon Silwanyi (now MP Bukooli central) and Fortunate Ahimbisibwe were some of the other politically very active student at Makerere. Today Jack Sabiiti is much weakened both financially and in terms of political clout. Museveni, whose political demise he aggressively worked for and prophesied as long overdue, is 33 years in power and still counting. Now very elderly, Sabiiti quietly lives at his house in Kyambogo where his neighbors include Gen Angina, Mrs. Omwony Ojok (widow),Nandala Mafabi, Beatrice Anywar and many other eminent citizens.
Nusura Tiperu: She was young, flamboyant and beautiful and most importantly she was the leading voice in the youth movement. She always rubbed shoulders with people who matter (for much of the late 1990s and early 2000s) such as Noble Mayombo, Mike Mukula, Jim Muhwezi and others. Today she must be struggling both financially and politically having become jobless at the end of her tenure at EALA. She stood in Yumbe in 2016 but badly lost to a little know politician whose profile is way far below hers spanning many decades. She also many times stood for the position of chairperson NRM women league and failed to win.
James Ogoola: He was Principal Judge and his eloquent outspokenness against excesses like the Black Mamba raid on the High Court during the Besigye treason trial inspired many future lawyers and junior judicial officers to work towards preserving judicial independence and the integrity of courts. The gracefully aging Church of Uganda Canon from Busia was also considered incorruptible, a thing that made many in the NGO and corporate world to revere him like a god. Many prided themselves in inviting Ogoola and getting him honor their invites to grace public rule of law-related events and debates as the general public, inspired by positive media reports about him, took the man to be infallible. But all that enviable good public record was eroded and gradually shattered especially amongst lawyers and generally the legal fraternity who were dismayed by his lukewarm performance as chairman of Judicial Service Commission. Unlike today, when new Chairman Justice Benjamin Kabiito (holder of MBA from EASAMI) has ushered in efficiency whereby applicants for judicial officer jobs are vetted/recruited more transparently and expeditiously, it was the considered opinion of the many that the all important JSC had digressed a lot during Ogoola’s tenure as Chairman. Given to him naturally by President Museveni, who was supposed to have been discomforted by his previous high public ratings, the JSC assignment in the eyes of many keen observers greatly demystified Justice Ogoola. Many maintain he accomplished far much less than what was expected of him. In office hardly two years now, the Benjamin Kabiito team found huge backlog of work in the JSC creating an impression that not much was done during Ogoola’s tenure. More than 500 complaints, all of them filed during Ogoola’s time, were found gathering dust on the shelves by the time the versatile Benjamin Kabiito took charge at JSC. It was found the corporate and values expected of such a public institution (supposed to reprimand errant judicial officers) were totally unheard of amongst JSC staff that Kabiito inherited. It was discovered that during the hitherto much revered Ogoola’s tenure, workers only worked when they wanted and generally never took work seriously. Why? Because the apex-placed bosses were always away attending to their benchmarking trips abroad and not enough time was devoted to serving the public by way of cleaning up the judiciary and expediting judicial officers’ appointments and promotions. Knowledgeable sources say the mess Kabiito inherited at JSC prompted Museveni to conclude that Ogoola was after all not as infallible or perfect as previously thought. Currently, a much demystified Ogoola busies himself mostly serving as chairman of the Elders Forum whose views on political dialogue Museveni and his NRM ilk have continued to indifferently ignore. By organizing and shepherding two presidential debates, Ogoola had gathered a lot of clout all of which was eroded by the discoveries relating to inefficiencies that Museveni discovered at JSC the moment his blue eyed boy Justice Benjamin Kabiito from Fort Portal took charge.
Hope Mwesigye: As Minister for Parliamentary Affairs, this former Kabale woman MP was very powerful and the peak of her power was witnessed in the 7th Parliament where she led the yellow girls’ brigade that delivered a perfect punch on PAFO and other groups and secured Museveni’s 3rd term. Museveni was supposed to quit in 2006 as per the 1995 Constitution but Hope Mwesigye and others aggressively mobilized and scrapped term limits. She famously supervised the dishing out of money at Mosa Courts where MP Theodore Sekikubo exposed Anifa Kawooya (who was Hope’s protégé) busy dishing it out. Each MP bagged Shs5m and it was widely considered a bribe to MPs to scrap term limits. Even in the NRM Caucus Hope Mwesigye, whose equally powerful brother-in- law Amama Mbabazi was considered Museveni’s number 2, called shots and was always associated with power and money. Besides JPAM, this leader of the Ruhindi girls brigade had unlimited access to Sam Kutesa another very powerful personality in Museveni’s government. It was widely rumored she was headed to becoming the Speaker of Parliament after 2011 elections but she was unexpectedly defeated by low profiled Rona Ninsiima who had been a news reporter on one of the radios in Kabale. Her failure to rejoin Parliament, which she would later falsely blame on 1st Lady Janet Museveni, greatly hurt Mbabazi’s plans. Just imagine if she was speaker of Parliament as of 2015/16? How much damage would the JPAM camp cause to Museveni using the Speaker’s office? Kadaga’s supporters say Mbabazi was fighting their lady in Kamuli in 2011 by backing rivals like Rehema Watongola because he was trying to pave way for his sister-in-law. Hope Mwesigye, whose last stop was MAAIF, lost her cabinet slot the moment Rona whipped her in 2011 polls. Her political demise had started earlier when she insulted Kabale kingmaker Fr. Gaetano Batanyenda saying he was always discussing politics because he is idle. She advised him to get a lady, marry and be kept busy. This hurt voters greatly and enabled Gaetano-backed Rona to defeat her. Falling from political favor was naturally followed by collapse in her economic fortunes. She tried real estate but business wasn’t good because of the witch-hunt by the Museveni state. In 2016, she was a key figure in the Mbabazi campaign and was also a candidate for Kabale woman MP race but was among the weakest candidates at the ballot box, a thing that greatly exposed her vulnerability as a person that was once very powerful. President Museveni on a visit to Kabale referred to her campaigns against him and contemptuously referred to her as omusege/wolf. Falling out with Museveni has more than anything else led Hope Mwesigye to declining the way she has and she can testify that indeed the man from Rwakitura can be so ruthless when crushing those who challenge him politically.
Kasirye Gwanga: At the peak of his power, the flamboyant General from Mubende had no limits. He would do or say anything to anyone and often got away with it. One time he stormed the offices of Metro fm in Old Kampala to thump Sebina Sekitoleko and other NRM cadres who attacked him during a radio talk show. Along with his escorts, Gwanga came with guns and caused terror at the station. Nothing was done to him. He also famously stormed Entebbe Airport VIP longue where security spent the whole day fighting to force Besigye to surrender then Western region MP Maj Okwir Rabwoni. He was a manager of Besigye’s campaign taskforce and his brother Noble Mayombo was head CMI. His support for KB was rather very embarrassing to the Museveni state and his elder brother Noble. With Besigye, Winnie Byanyima and Louis Otika, Maj Okwir was at the airport heading to Arua for KB’s campaign. The state determined to separate them fearing the momentum Okwir would add to the campaign in West Nile. Besigye, who was very belligerent those days, physically fought off many of the soldiers and operatives Mayombo had deployed. It took Kasirye Gwanga coming with Brig Moses Rwakitarate to subdue the Colonel and forcefully drag away Maj Okwir Rabwoni. In the subsequent days it emerged Gwanga had joined other generals in a meeting at Conference Center (now Serena hotel) to coerce Rabwoni to sign a press release denouncing KB and joining Museveni’s camp. This was at the peak of 2001 elections. Beti Kamya appeared on WBS’ Issues at Hand to debate the Entebbe debacle with Kasirye Gwanga and the man from Mubende almost beat her up. His arrogance was too much that Ronnie Mayanja who was moderating at some point threatened to throw him out of the studios for disrespecting a lady. Gwanga’s power began going away when he was suspected of being among those disgruntled generals sympathetic to Sejusa who was in exile spitting fire against M7 the C-i-C. This was in 2013 and Gwanga ended up facing eviction threats from politically-inspired guys that claimed his Makindye house was theirs. He was also put on real Katebe and made to serve as Presidential Advisor on security which turned out to be a very obscure ka post. Ironically he had to work directly under then security minister Mbabazi whose aides like Sebina Sekitoleko he had previously fought with on radio talk shows. Mbabazi further trimmed Gwanga when he went to see him at his Aki Bua road offices for assignments as new Presidential appointee and JPAM, who was inside the office reading newspapers and facebooking, kept him waiting for a whole day. In the end he was told “you won’t see the minister today please try next week.” Gwanga now clearly knew he was no longer the flamboyant powerful Colonel he once was. In fact it’s understood that desire to isolate him from Sejusa’s disoriented politics prompted Museveni to elevate him from the rank of Colonel where he had stagnated for decades. He also further lost favor of the first family when he made demeaning comments of the president’s son Muhoozi Kainerugaba (aka MK) calling him all sorts of names in a Daily Monitor interview. Today many people, because they don’t know how exactly Museveni plays his power game, still fear Gwanga thinking he still has power to act with impunity whereas not. One fact which even himself cant’ deny is that he is financially very broke to the extent that he sometimes struggles to fuel his car. And on the streets of Kampala, young men (of DP and FDC) who used to flee on merely seeing him from a distance these days casually tell him off whenever they meet him on the streets.
John Nagenda: The man from Namutamba in Mityana district was once very powerful. Using his New Vision column, Nagenda would directly demean and abuse other personalities and entities like Daily Monitor then a leading competitor to Vision. He would write stuff abusing Onyango Obbo who was running Monitor. He would also abuse the likes of KB and his wife Winnie. Basically he belittled whoever seemed to stand in Museveni’s way and Nagenda never seemed to reflect on the consequences. One time at Makerere during a public debate in the mid 2000s, Nagenda demonized Monitor newspaper prompting Andrew Mwenda who was his fellow panelist to tell him off. Calling him a very ignorant old man, Mwenda provocatively said “Gentlemen and ladies let me tell you there is one problem about my good friend Mzee John Nagenda. It’s clear when you read his New Vision column that he is a very good writer but very poor at analysis.” Students laughed and ridiculed Nagenda who accused Mwenda of seeking cheap popularity and political martyrdom. It was Nagenda’s argument for long that Mwenda was recklessly (his words) criticizing the President and 1st family hoping they would kill him and he dies a political martyr. But much earlier, Nagenda had played a very big role in Museveni’s election 1996 when he coordinated a propaganda campaign against Paul Semogerere who was portrayed as paving way for the return of Milton Obote. Nagenda’s team got the skulls in Luwero and published them in new vision showing these are people Obote had killed during the NRA war. Using his connections with powerful actors like Agha Khan, Nagenda was also for long Museveni’s points-man when it comes to managing public relations at the global scene. He is also the man who helped Museveni coordinate the relocation of Onyango Obbo from Namuwongo to Nairobi. His lobbying skills with the Aga Khan establishment in Paris had a lot to do with the banning of very critical opinions in Monitor newspaper by writers likes Timothy Kalyegira and Andrew Mwenda prompting the latter to resign in protest. Nagenda, who greatly loved New Vision whose MD Pike was his very good friend, one time famously fought WBS TV host Ronnie Mayanja for inadvertently referring to Monitor as Uganda’s leading daily during a talk show where he was being hosted. Nagenda insisted Mayanja apologizes which the moderator declined prompting Nagenda to angrily tell him off. But he started losing his clout during the term limits debate in mid 2000s when he joined the likes of Eriya Kategaya to disapprove of efforts to get a 3rd term for Museveni. On losing the fight, Nagenda coiled and ate a humble pie. But in the months that followed, Nagenda gave a newspaper interview in which he attributed Museveni’s longevity in power (which he considers not good) on the fact that he presides over a cabinet that is full of spineless men and women. He famously said they fear as opposed to respecting the President. On realizing even the big man was no longer interested in him (he used to moderate Sevo’s press conferences), State House staffers and those of President’s office began treating Mzee Nagenda with contempt including blocking his letters to the big man. He one time quarreled as to why Deborah Katuramu, who is PS Presidency, was refusing to give him money to go for treatment abroad yet the President had ordered so. Tamale Mirundi, when still press secretary, would also bash Nagenda worse than he does to powerless opposition leaders. Each time he wrote a negative article, Mirundi would go on radio to bash him like a commoner. All these things eroded the invincibility many in the public had all along continued to associate with Nagenda. Nagenda also contradicted the President on the issue of the Mabira forest giveaway, and being one person who resents being challenged; Museveni is understood never to have forgiven Nagenda. More recently, Nagenda who has along the way written many very critical articles; has been at it again likening the Magyezi Bill to legislating life presidency in Uganda. Even after passing the bill, Nagenda dared President Museveni to retire in 2021 advising that any efforts to stay will prepare him for a Gaddafy-like exit. These utterances may make him popular and increase his relevance before the right thinking members of society but in practical terms it diminishes the power of Mzee Nagenda who is said to be disgruntled for failing to see the President as regularly as he used to.
Nasser Sebaggala: He had plenty of power and it largely derived from the spontaneous popularity he enjoyed among Ugandans. This was the case through the late 1990s all the way to late 2000s when he openly embraced NRM and the Seyas started attacking him like he has never been their man. Because of what the Seyas/supporters considered betrayal, time came when Hajji Sebaggala couldn’t attend weddings, burials and other public functions because of the way the ordinary people would scold him. He one time had a bet with his opponents who insisted he had long lost popularity. He insisted it wasn’t true and to prove them wrong, he went to Owino market. Guess what happened. Guys who used to be his supporters threw dirty things at him and chased him like chicken thief. Seya, who had come with scribes, died in his own movie and fled the scene without even accepting to be interviewed by the journalists he had brought himself. Today Seya, who left DP and started his own LDP after losing to Mao in Mbale 2010, lives a quietly sickly life in Bugoloobi and he is sad that Museveni used and dumped him just like that.
Gilbert Bukenya: As Vice President and earlier on chairman of the NRM Caucus, this medicine professor was very powerful and was associated with pomp in whatever he did. However, he was demystified when then IGG Raphael Baku sent him to Luzira over the Chogm scandal which cost the tax payer hundreds of billions. What made many feel ashamed on his behalf was Bukenya crying publicly in court claiming he was being witch-hunted by westerners. Having exaggerated his importance and political clout, Bukenya named himself Mahogany but cracked after mere drizzle. The moment he ceased to be VP, largely because he would say uncharitable things about Museveni to people who were spies, Bukenya was cut to size. He realized people no longer flocked his home. The long convoy was no more and he was travelling in an old Premio. In parliament he struggled to adjust to the life of being a back bencher and then lost whatever remained of his moral strength in 2016 when he made a U-turn to campaign for Museveni whom he had been decampaigning for years. He was further demystified when he ate a humble pie and returned to vie for the Busiro North Parliamentary seat which he had demeaned previously saying it was too small for him. He stood and lost to little known Dennis Galabuzi who is now the Minister in charge of Luwero triangle. As he lies low like an envelope (to use Mirundi’s word) in Kakiri, Prof Bukenya must be reflecting on how deep being politically inconsistent has sunk him.
Justice Kanyeihamba: As Supreme Court Justice, Prof Kanyeihamba was well revered at least within the legal fraternity and by very many in the political class. His judicial decisions were considered to be rich, well-reasoned and precedence-setting. As such he was always first choice key note speaker to invite whenever law students or young lawyers’ associations had a get together during which they planned to have commentary on topical issues in the country especially those impacting on the rule of law. However, Justice Kanyeihamba gradually lost the clout and inadvertently weakened himself when he took for granted the respect and reverence Ugandans almost unanimously had for him. He turned out abusive many times publicly rebuking and reprimanding events’ organizers who would invite him. He would take significant time admonishing organizers for small things such as his name or titles not being spelt properly on the program. Quite often such organizers got embarrassed and regretted why they invited him. He would quarrel to the organizers, especially at Universities, in case his co-panelist delayed and came late or came too early. He carried this approach even to more serious events and this discomforted many who began to gradually shun him. The other thing that diminished Kanyeihamba’s market as a first choice for guest of honor on such professional gatherings was the fact that he was considered unlikely to financially contribute. Sometimes rich sponsors demanded his removal before committing funds to the organizers. Much younger lawyers, especially those offended by his views, also started disputed his legal views or opinions as published in newspaper articles. This too took away a lot from his clout as an authority on legal matters. Many argue that it was a mistake for the much revered Kanyeihamba to become advocate after retirement from Supreme Court because he clearly put himself in the line of inevitable attacks given the adversarial nature of our legal system. At KIU, where he was a very big official, he had public bust ups with proprietor Basajjabalaba and the matter even went to Court. After retirement from Supreme Court, Kanyeihamba was unable to join the African Court and this was blamed on sabotage by the Museveni government. This in itself got him sympathy but was also an eye opener to casual observers who always feared him thinking that, being a former powerful M7 AG, the man from Kigezi was thickly connected and very powerful in the corridors of power. Prof Kanyeihamba then became a practicing advocate and as things turned out it wasn’t easy for him to adjust from being a Supreme Court justice to mere member of the bar. His court appearances were often characterized by public bust ups with fellow advocates and sometimes judges who the public considered way much junior to Prof Kanyeihamba. Whereas to some this manifested an old man who was fearless defending his beliefs, values and the rule of law, such belligerent sessions gradually demystified him. Being questioned by the judge regarding the whereabouts of his practicing certificate after the adverse counsel objected, was also very embarrassing to the hitherto much revered Justice Kanyeihamba to say the least. As a lawyer for the rebel MPs (along with other legal brains like Ben Wacha, Wandera Ogaro etc), many thought Kanyeihamba did a good job in Court defending the 4 MPs against expulsion from the NRM party and Parliament for speaking their mind. But all this achievement was eroded the moment public quarrels erupted between him, his clients and fellow lawyers. As we talk, Kanyeihamba still lives but the respect and the infallibility he once commanded is all gone; if the recent events that saw him publicly exchange with traffic police officers near Mulago is anything to go by. His driver committed what police officers said was a traffic offence and the occupants resisted police orders to vacate the car. Kanyeihamba, who was telecast on Bukedde TV making frantic phone calls apparently to IGP Gen Kale Kayihura, was eventually towed by a police break down in a manner citizens thought was a preserve for Besigye. Powerless Kanyeihamba was towed as people on the street contemptuously cheered the police act until more senior police officers intervened and ordered the juniors to let him go. Even at home, things aren’t well as his domestic guards barely have any fear or respect for his belligerent approach anymore. He recently wrote in his Sunday Monitor column how he has previously survived assault and other forms of violence from police guards assigned to guard him at home and in transit.
Aidah Nantaba: Now State Minister for ICT, at the peak of her political power and might, Nantaba would publicly call the president’s phone directly. This she did several times before her voters in Kayunga during public rallies and all this was calculated at nothing but to show the close proximity that existed between her and the CEO of this country. However, her days on the red carpet didn’t last long as within no time she found herself being directly verbally attacked and demystified by what she considered small people like Moses Karangwa who is the NRM Chairman for Kayunga. As if that wasn’t bad enough, Nantaba who only a few years ago used to act with impunity to the extent of disregarding court orders when still lands minister, suffered even more ridicule when she found herself being routinely carpeted by Parcis Namuganza who by all standards remains a low profile State Minister for lands. Namuganza has been verbally attacking Nantaba at public functions and also in cabinet. This has greatly demystified the once much feared Maama Kayunga who in 2015 couldn’t even manage to prevent local NRM leaders from imposing councilor Juliet Nalunga to carry the NRM flag. Yes she is back in Parliament as Kayunga woman MP but as an independent MP and not on NRM ticket. At the peak of her power, Nantaba had elite body guards but none of that is still visible around her anymore.
Charles Rwomushana: As Pader RDC and later on head of Popular Intelligence Network (PIN) at State House in the early 2000s, Rwomushana was very powerful. He directly reported to President Museveni and had favor of then very powerful Security (Super) Minister Amama Mbabazi. Museveni trusted Rwomushana so much and at some point assigned him to oversee the physical and emotional welfare of his ailing father Amos Kaguta who occasionally lived at State House Nakasero. Whenever he wanted, Rwomushana would storm 4th Floor Parliamentary Building or any of the Presidential Lodges to meet the President in person. He started working with Sevo in early 1990s as guild president Makerere University. Those days it was almost impossible for a student sympathetic to NRM/M7 to become Makerere guild president but eloquent Rwomushana, campaigning on the ticket of being a poor deprived student, managed. This greatly excited bosses in NRM and Rwomushana inevitably caught Museveni’s eye. As PIN boss, Rwomushana spoke with power and pride. He one time appeared on CBS radio for a Saturday morning English show called Crossfire with then UPC defacto head Dr. James Rwanyarare and made him cry like a kid. He arrogantly insulted him until the show was prematurely ended. Rwomushana insisted that Rwanyarare, who was his elder in Kigezi, was a murderer and enumerated names of people he said he murdered during the Obote II government. He therefore concluded Rwanyarare had no moral authority to criticize Museveni’s excesses. “Your hands are dripping with innocent blood of people you killed in Obote II and I order you to shut up,” Rwomushana repeatedly shouted at the old man fit to be his grandpa. He was always very eloquent and humorous in his submissions the very reason students used to escape from class at Makerere to come to Radio1’s Kimeeza to see him debate with strong Besigyeists like the late James Opoka, Winnie Byanyima, Louis Otika, Anne Mugisha, Beti Kamya etc in the early 2000s. Rwomushana’s Achilles’ heels came in late 2000s when his godfather Amama Mbabazi, who used to use him as a proxy to unsettle Jim Muhwezi in Rujumbura, turned his back on him. Mbabazi was unhappy with the inadvertent mistake Rwomushana made in the Pallisa by-election that brought his Makerere contemporary Issa Taligola to office as LC5 Chairman. Taligola was on the independent ticket and his ability to defeat the NRM mainstream candidate (who was personally invested in and backed by Mbabazi) was very humiliating for JPAM who was then the very powerful security minister secretary general for the NRM party. On being reprimanded by Mbabazi, through whom he sometimes accessed Museveni, Rwomushana responded arrogantly instead of apologizing to the man from Kinkizi West. Rwomushana revenged by directly taking Idly Baryareeba (died recently) to Museveni to report alleged JPAM atrocities. This was very embarrassing because the man from Rwakitura had previously defended Mbabazi before a Kigezi delegation likening him to being “as clean as a white man.” The Chris Baryomunsi delegation had insisted JPAM was very corrupt and his character was soiling the NRM image in Kigezi. A defector from Besigye’s Reform Agenda in early 2000s, Baryareeba had tried to contest against Mbabazi within the NRM for Kinkizi flag bearer-ship but lost miserably because of the violence soldiers in the Mbabazi entourage unleashed. In the Rwomushana-brokered meeting, Baryareeba carried even pictures and recorded audios of elders decrying the Mbabazi camp violence, something that greatly demonized JPAM before Museveni. Rwomushana paid the ultimate price for betraying JPAM. He lost his job and money lenders were unleashed trying to go after him. He wouldn’t access Museveni anymore because then very powerful JPAM had decreed so. That is how we got the Rwomushana of today: very eloquent in criticizing the Museveni establishment but not militarily and politically powerful like before. Yet at the peak of his power in 1994, younger Rwomushana had managed to use close links to Museveni to humiliatingly defeat then intelligence (ISO) Tsar Jim Muhwezi for the CA slot for Rujumbura County. Ironical as politics has always been, Rwomushana today is once again close allies with JPAM and not even relentless efforts by (money man) Gen Kayihura to antagonize them have succeeded. Materially today Rwomushana leads a much less glamorous life (cruising in old cars) than what he was used to when still very powerful in Museveni circles.
Gen Wilson Mbadi: He wielded power and influence as a long serving ADC to the President. This made him the closest person to the President apart from his spouse and children. He sits in the same car with him and opens door for the car and office for him. He was the one best placed to know the people the President talks to and what he tells them and vice versa. Things, however, gradually changed for this military giant from Kasese when he was promoted and deployed at Defense Headquarters Mbuya as Joint Chief of Staff. Fellow senior officers didn’t trust him thinking he was here to spy for the boss and secondly his style of management was found not to be very good. He wielded a lot of powers, given his connections to the President, and he was seen as using that excessive power to suffocate colleagues as opposed to complimenting them. Being JOS put him in number four (just below the CiC, CDF & Deputy CDF) and overall on administrative and welfare matters. Despite being officially number 4, there were grievances that the man was more powerful than CDF and D/CDF Charles Angina who lost his slot partly because of the discomfort he confided in some friends regarding Mbadi’s style. In fact when the President’s electoral performance in some military polling stations turned out not that impressive, some felt it was because of the grievances Mbadi’s style had created in ordinary soldiers. Some seniors resented Mbadi and felt uncomfortable around him because he is highly trained in theoretical military aspects but not very good on pragmatic approaches. Well he is in Bombo doing his work but he has become so invisible lately you could easily think he isn’t in the country.
Teddy Sezi Cheeye: He always coordinated a lot of propaganda against Besigye while politically immortalizing Museveni. In 2001 for instance, Cheeye published stuff in his Uganda Confidential claiming to have pictorial evidence that Besigye’s then very young son Anslem had died and secretly buried in sand along the East African Coast. These very demonizing articles were meant to corroborate claims that it was futile to vote KB because after all the man was HIV positive and would be dying soon. The Besigyes ignored Cheeye but other victims didn’t. He used his paper to torment the likes of Miria Matembe, Gordon Wavamunno, Crispus Kiyonga, First Lady Janet Museveni and others. He never spared even diplomats who are presumed to enjoy diplomatic immunity. For Cheeye such things meant nothing. Those who were there/mature enough during that time say Cheeye’s publication day was always something to look forward to. In late 1990s, then Mayoral candidate Wasswa Birigwa accompanied by thousands of supporters, stormed Cheeye’s offices at Black Lines House and beat him up as supporters cheered. Cheeye had written bad stories about Birigwa urging voters to shun him. It turned out untrue and Birigwa (now of FDC), who was NRM-leaning and very powerful, took the law in his own hands. On being mocked by his journalistic friends as to why he would be beaten like a kid, Cheeye said “I was going to beat him also but I feared the mob he came with; they would have killed me if I defended myself.” Cheeye’s power initially derived from the fact that he used to be very critical of the Museveni government in the early years at a time ironically the likes of Wafula Oguttu still had a lot of hope in Sevo. He developed cracks and collapsed under the weight of the debts that resulted from many defamation suits that were successfully filed against his publication. It was in that state of powerlessness that he made peace with Museveni who gratefully already respected him as a very intelligent reporter. Museveni empowered him to head economic intelligence desk in his office (the equivalent of today’s FIA?) and Cheeye moved mountains. He wielded a lot of power and always stormed civil servants offices demanding for documents saying he was doing the President’s assignment to investigate graft in government. One early morning he unknowingly treaded where Angels don’t dare. He went to Energy Ministry targeting the indomitable PS Kabagambe Kaliisa (aka Mujwarakondo/the Lord of Bunyoro). “I’m here to investigate you on the directive of the President because he thinks there is a lot of corruption in your ministry and the back seems to stop with you,” Cheeye intimidatingly told Kabagambe Kaliisa as he provocatively placed recording gadgets infront of him. As if he hadn’t heard Cheeye’s opening statement, Kaliisa kept quiet but placed a phone call. When the person the other side picked, Kaliisa cleared his throat and politely said: “Good morning your excellence. I have Cheeye here and he says you have sent him to investigate corruption in my office. Is that so?” Before the President (he was the one on the line it wasn’t kiwaani) could even respond, Cheeye fled as if going for a short call and never came back. He left behind his note book, newspapers and recording gadgets. Incidents of that nature exposed the extent to which Cheeye had always exaggerated his influence in the Presidency and gradually weakened him. But his Achilles heels moment came much later on when he was implicated in the Global Fund saga and instead of owning up, he tried to blackmail some other people in government. In the end, he was successfully prosecuted and had to chill in Luzira for some good years from where he returned a saved man and these days openly preaches salvation which he used to despise. To be continued next weekend! For comments on this and other Mulengera news stories, call/text/whatsapp 0703164755
