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An Open Letter to His Excellency President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni The Leader of African Revolutionaries! Between Power and Posterity:  A Republic Calls Its Leader!

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An Open Letter to His Excellency President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni The Leader of African Revolutionaries! Between Power and Posterity: A Republic Calls Its Leader!

by Walakira John
15 hours ago
in NEWS
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An Open Letter to His Excellency President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni The Leader of African Revolutionaries! Between Power and Posterity:  A Republic Calls Its Leader!
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By Atwemereireho Alex (alexatweme@gmail.com)

Your Excellency,

I write to you through this open letter because, while I may not reach you personally, this is the most sincere, civic, and republican channel through which a concerned Ugandan can speak to the mind and conscience of the President of the Republic. It is my earnest hope that you will read this letter from its very beginning, in the spirit of patriotism, intellectual honesty, and national duty in which it is written.

 

Allow me, first and unequivocally, to congratulate you upon your re-election to the Presidency of the Republic of Uganda. This renewed mandate is both a political milestone and a historical moment. It invites the nation to reflect, soberly and honestly, on the long arc of leadership under your stewardship and the responsibility that now rests upon you at this advanced stage of Uganda’s national evolution.

 

When you assumed power in 1986, Uganda was a fractured polity. The state had collapsed, institutions were hollowed out, the economy was in ruins, and the social fabric was torn by fear and mistrust. Few nations have emerged from such depths. Today, Uganda stands as a functioning republic with restored sovereignty, relative political stability, a diversified economy, expanded infrastructure, and an unmistakable presence in regional and continental affairs. These achievements are not matters of sentiment; they are supported by facts, figures, and lived realities.

 

Over the last two decades, Uganda has sustained average economic growth rates of approximately 5–6%, even amid global financial crises, the COVID-19 pandemic, climate shocks, and regional instability. Inflation has largely been managed within single digits for long periods. Electricity generation capacity has increased from under 400MW in the early 2000s to over 1,500MW of installed capacity today, creating the structural backbone for industrialisation. The national road network has expanded significantly, connecting regions that were once isolated and stimulating internal trade. Universal Primary and Secondary Education have opened doors of opportunity for millions of Ugandans, fundamentally altering the country’s human capital profile. Uganda’s contribution to regional peacekeeping, mediation, and diplomacy has positioned the country as a consequential actor within the African Union and the Great Lakes Region. These are enduring contributions that history will record in your favour.

 

Yet, Your Excellency, leadership at this summit of power demands more than the defense of past victories. It requires the courage to interrogate the present and the wisdom to prepare for the future. History is unforgiving to leaders who mistake longevity for legacy. It is equally generous to those who recognise the moment when consolidation must give way to institutional permanence.

Your own intellectual writings provide a powerful lens through which this moment may be understood. In What Is Africa’s Problem? (1992), you argued that Africa’s fundamental challenge lay not in the character of its people, but in politics specifically, in governance systems that personalised power, weakened institutions, and alienated the state from its citizens. In Sowing the Mustard Seed (1997), you warned with remarkable clarity that “the problem of Africa in general, and Uganda in particular, is not the people but the leaders who want to overstay in power,” and that the struggle you led sought “a fundamental change, not a mere change of guards.” These were not casual observations; they were revolutionary principles. Today, they stand as ethical benchmarks against which this phase of your leadership will inevitably be assessed.

 

This new term situates you uniquely in Uganda’s constitutional history. You are no longer primarily judged as a guerrilla leader who restored order, but as a constitutional trustee of a mature republic. The Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, 1995, is explicit. Article 1 vests all power in the people of Uganda. Article 2 establishes the supremacy of the Constitution over all persons and authorities. Article 99 vests executive authority in the President, but strictly to be exercised in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of Uganda. These provisions define not merely the limits of power, but its moral purpose.

 

Your manifesto for this term prioritises wealth creation, agro-industrialisation, mineral beneficiation, value addition, science-led development, regional integration, and economic sovereignty, an economic philosophy often described as Musevenomics, rooted in structural adjustment, macroeconomic discipline, private-sector-led growth, and strategic state intervention. These priorities align with Vision 2040, the National Development Plan III, and the African Union’s Agenda 2063. They are conceptually sound. However, economic transformation cannot be sustainably realised in an environment where political legitimacy is persistently contested and civic trust is fragile. Development and democracy are not competitors; they are mutually reinforcing.

 

Uganda today is demographically young nation. Over 75% of the population is under the age of 30, within a national population approaching 46 million. This youth bulge presents a historic opportunity, yet the state has not fully harnessed this demographic potential. Youth unemployment remains critically high, with the Uganda Bureau of Statistics reporting that over 83% of young people are in informal, low-paying, and precarious work.

 

Health outcomes further compound the challenge: the country faces a doctor-to-patient ratio of 1:25,000, far below the WHO recommendation of 1: 1,000; maternal mortality remains high at 375 deaths per 100,000 live births; infant mortality stands at 43 deaths per 1,000 live births, and access to mental health services is critically limited, with only 0.5 psychiatrists per 100,000 people.

 

At the same time, approximately 21% of Ugandans still live below the national poverty line, with many households vulnerable to food insecurity. Environmental degradation and climate change exacerbate these hardships: erratic rainfall, prolonged droughts, and floods have affected over 2 million Ugandans in the last five years, threatening agriculture, water resources, and livelihoods. Infrastructure gaps remain stark: although the road network has expanded, large swathes of rural Uganda remain poorly connected, with only 44% of rural roads in good condition, limiting trade, access to healthcare, and economic opportunity. Energy access is uneven, with only 36% of households connected to the national grid, particularly in Northern and Eastern regions. These realities, youth unemployment, inadequate health systems, persistent poverty, environmental vulnerability, and infrastructure deficits demand far more than funding or policy statements. They require structural, inclusive, and forward-looking reforms that integrate education, health, environment, innovation, and infrastructure development so that Uganda’s youth can become a force for national transformation rather than a generation mired in unfulfilled potential.

 

Governance and civic trust remain central concerns. Article 29 of the Constitution guarantees freedoms of expression, assembly, and association. Article 38 affirms every citizen’s right to participate in the affairs of government. Article 126 entrenches judicial independence and the administration of justice in the name of the people. Where elections are repeatedly disputed, where opposition activity is heavily policed, and where military presence appears prominent in civilian political processes, the Republic incurs a legitimacy cost that no amount of infrastructure can neutralise.

 

Uganda is also bound by regional and international obligations. The African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance obliges state parties to uphold constitutional rule, transparent elections, and separation of powers. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights reinforces these commitments. Compliance with these instruments is not an act of external appeasement; it is fidelity to our own constitutional promise.

 

Security remains indispensable, and your emphasis on it is historically understandable. Yet Article 208 of the Constitution is unambiguous: the Uganda People’s Defense Forces must be non-partisan, professional, national in character, and subordinate to civilian authority. Security institutions inspire confidence when they protect all citizens equally and operate visibly within constitutional bounds.

 

Corruption, too, remains a defining national challenge. Despite strong laws, the Anti-Corruption Act, the Leadership Code Act, and the Inspectorate of Government Act, public perception persists that accountability is uneven. Corruption is not merely an economic leakage; it is a constitutional injury that violates Article 21’s guarantee of equality before the law and erodes public faith in the state. A firm, even-handed, and visible enforcement regime would stand as one of the most transformative legacies of this term.

 

Your Excellency, Uganda’s challenge today is not the absence of policies, plans, or institutions. It is the deficit of trust, reconciliation, and national consensus. The way forward lies in deliberate dialogue, electoral and governance reforms, strengthening institutional independence, widening civic space, and preparing the nation for generational transition. Reconciliation, political, generational, and social, is no longer optional; it is imperative.

 

I write as a Ugandan who admires your historical contribution without surrendering intellectual independence; and as a patriot whose loyalty is to the Republic. This open letter is an act of faith in Uganda, in constitutionalism, and in your capacity to rise to this defining moment.

 

History has already accorded you a place among Africa’s consequential leaders. What remains is the question of how this chapter will be written: as a consolidation of personal authority, or as the deliberate entrenchment of institutions that will outlive all of us.

 

Nations remember leaders who listened at the height of power. They honour those who chose posterity over permanence.

 

May this term be the season in which the Leader of African Revolutionaries completes the journey from liberation to consolidation, from command to covenant, and from power exercised to power legitimised, so that Uganda may stand not only stable, but just, united, innovative, and hopeful for both present and future generations.

The writer is a lawyer, researcher & governance analyst. A Concerned Citizen of the Republic of Uganda. 

 

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